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	<title>2018 &#8211; To Archeio</title>
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	<link>https://toarcheio.org</link>
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		<title>The &#8216;Crisis Generation&#8217;: the effect of the Greek Crisis on youth identity formation</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-crisis-generation-the-effect-of-the-greek-crisis-on-youth-identity-formation/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:49 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/the-crisis-generation-the-effect-of-the-greek-crisis-on-youth-identity-formation/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This study aims to explore the impact of the Greek Crisis on the ways young Greeks form their identities. The prolonged effects of the Greek crisis (2008-today), have been undoubtedly experienced by all Greeks (regardless of class, age, gender, location, occupation). However, older adolescents/younger adults (born between 1995 and 2000) constitute the first generation (termed &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/the-crisis-generation-the-effect-of-the-greek-crisis-on-youth-identity-formation/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This study aims to explore the impact of the Greek Crisis on the ways young Greeks form their identities. The prolonged effects of the Greek crisis (2008-today), have been undoubtedly experienced by all Greeks (regardless of class, age, gender, location, occupation). However, older adolescents/younger adults (born between 1995 and 2000) constitute the first generation (termed Crisis Generation) to be raised during the Crisis and form their identity within this district social, political and economic reality. This study focuses on the subjective experiences of 20 participants born during this period, in an attempt to reveal their perceptions of how the crisis has contributed to their own identity formation. This study proposes that the Crisis Generation is characterised by a unique process of identity formation consisting of: a misleading passiveness, profound lack of apathy, misread and hopefully ephemeral sense of being trapped in a social and political reality which was not formed by them and explicit ability of planning a future identity away from the crisis through personal and social accounts of action.</p>
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		<title>On the politics of queer resistance and survival: Athena Athanasiou in conversation with Vassiliki Kolocotroni and Dimitris Papanikolaou</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/on-the-politics-of-queer-resistance-and-survival-athena-athanasiou-in-conversation-with-vassiliki-kolocotroni-and-dimitris-papanikolaou/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/on-the-politics-of-queer-resistance-and-survival-athena-athanasiou-in-conversation-with-vassiliki-kolocotroni-and-dimitris-papanikolaou/</guid>

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		<title>Race and class in German media representations of the &#8216;Greek crisis&#8217;</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/race-and-class-in-german-media-representations-of-the-greek-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:42 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/race-and-class-in-german-media-representations-of-the-greek-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Research has shown that the mainstream media coverage of the EU’s economic crisis has been not only offensive and prejudiced for the people of the countries most affected by it, but most crucially, utterly relying on elite understandings of the crisis, as articulated by the political and economic establishment of the EU. Indeed, the hegemonic &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/race-and-class-in-german-media-representations-of-the-greek-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Research has shown that the mainstream media coverage of the EU’s economic crisis has been not only offensive and prejudiced for the people of the countries most affected by it, but most crucially, utterly relying on elite understandings of the crisis, as articulated by the political and economic establishment of the EU. Indeed, the hegemonic public framing of the Eurozone crisis followed an ‘Orientalist’ approach, through spectacular narratives stressing cultural and moral failures of ‘national characters’ and exceptional national institutions that are (supposedly) fundamentally different from the ‘European’ cannon. This way, regimes of exception were able to be publicly constructed as plausible explanations for the crisis (as a ‘self-inflicted’ problem by those not following the European norm), and equivalent exceptional policies (such as austerity regimes) to be implemented in the supposedly problematic countries. Drawing on the findings of previous research, this contribution presents the class and racist dimensions of the German mainstream media’s ‘Greek-crisis’ representations, by focusing on the ‘crisis epicenter’, Greece, a country relentlessly targeted and, slandered and shamed by the German media and the German elites in particular. The chapter concludes that both in their light and in their serious versions, the German media publicly construct the so-called Greek crisis in line with the bourgeois and post-democratic principles directing the EU.</p>
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		<title>Intertextuality and/in political jokes</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/intertextuality-and-in-political-jokes/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/intertextuality-and-in-political-jokes/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The aim of the present study is to explore the interplay between intertextuality and humor in contemporary political jokes. The intertextual allusions included in such texts involve (con)texts projected as ‘shared’ knowledge by joke tellers. However, they may render joke comprehension a demanding task, thus excluding potential joke recipients from the ingroup joke tellers attempt &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/intertextuality-and-in-political-jokes/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The aim of the present study is to explore the interplay between intertextuality and humor in contemporary political jokes. The intertextual allusions included in such texts involve (con)texts projected as ‘shared’ knowledge by joke tellers. However, they may render joke comprehension a demanding task, thus excluding potential joke recipients from the ingroup joke tellers attempt to construct. At the same time, the intertextual presuppositions of political jokes may foster the ideological alignment between joke tellers and joke recipients, as they are based on specific evaluations of sociopolitical affairs, which need to be accepted by recipients wishing to establish coherence. The data examined here comes from a large corpus of the Greek jokes on the current financial crisis.</p>
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		<title>The Newcomers’ Right to the Common Space: The case of Athens during the refugee crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-newcomers-right-to-the-common-space-the-case-of-athens-during-the-refugee-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/the-newcomers-right-to-the-common-space-the-case-of-athens-during-the-refugee-crisis/</guid>

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		<title>The Ecumenical ‘Right to the City’: Urban Commons and Intersectional Enclosures in Athens and Istanbul</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-ecumenical-right-to-the-city-urban-commons-and-intersectional-enclosures-in-athens-and-istanbul/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/the-ecumenical-right-to-the-city-urban-commons-and-intersectional-enclosures-in-athens-and-istanbul/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The collective volume is an outcome of the international conference ‘Contested Borderscapes. Transnational Geographies vis-à-vis Fortress Europe’ that took place in Mytilene (Lesvos), September 28 – October 1, 2017.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The collective volume is an outcome of the international conference ‘Contested Borderscapes. Transnational Geographies vis-à-vis Fortress Europe’ that took place in Mytilene (Lesvos), September 28 – October 1, 2017.</p>
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		<title>Carceral moderation and the Janus face of international pressure: A long view of Greece’s engagement with the European Convention of Human Rights</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/carceral-moderation-and-the-janus-face-of-international-pressure-a-long-view-of-greeces-engagement-with-the-european-convention-of-human-rights/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:21 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/carceral-moderation-and-the-janus-face-of-international-pressure-a-long-view-of-greeces-engagement-with-the-european-convention-of-human-rights/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[no abstract]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>no abstract</p>
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		<title>Crisis, austerity measures and beyond: archaeology in Greece since the global financial crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/crisis-austerity-measures-and-beyond-archaeology-in-greece-since-the-global-financial-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:19 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/crisis-austerity-measures-and-beyond-archaeology-in-greece-since-the-global-financial-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article, covering the roughly decade-long ‘Greek crisis’ (2008–2018), uses official statistics in order to examine the effects the prolonged recession has had on archaeology in Greece. As the data show, although revenues from museums and archaeological sites have risen considerably (a side effect of ‘crisis tourism’, among other factors), state spending on archaeological research &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/crisis-austerity-measures-and-beyond-archaeology-in-greece-since-the-global-financial-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article, covering the roughly decade-long ‘Greek crisis’ (2008–2018), uses official statistics in order to examine the effects the prolonged recession has had on archaeology in Greece. As the data show, although revenues from museums and archaeological sites have risen considerably (a side effect of ‘crisis tourism’, among other factors), state spending on archaeological research is insufficient. Furthermore, the steady collapse of the state apparatus during this long decade has seriously affected archaeology and the ways it is practised in the country, ultimately leading to the loss of an entire generation of Greek archaeologists.</p>
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		<title>Populism, anti-populism, and crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article focuses on two issues involved in the formation and political trajectory of populist representations within political antagonism. First, it explores the role of crisis in the articulation of populist discourse. This problematic is far from new within theories of populism but has recently taken a new turn. We thus purport to reconsider the &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article focuses on two issues involved in the formation and political trajectory of populist representations within political antagonism. First, it explores the role of crisis in the articulation of populist discourse. This problematic is far from new within theories of populism but has recently taken a new turn. We thus purport to reconsider the way populism and crisis are related, mapping the different modalities this relation can take and advancing further their theorization from the point of view of a discursive theory of the political, drawing primarily on the Essex School perspective initially developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Second, this will involve focusing on the antagonistic language games developed around populist representations, something that has not attracted equal attention. Highlighting the need to study anti-populism together with populism, focusing on their mutual constitution, we will test the ensuing theoretical framework in an analysis of SYRIZA, a recent and, as a result, under-researched example of egalitarian, inclusionary populism emerging within the European crisis landscape.</p>
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		<title>Paradoxes of polarization: Democracy’s inherent division and the (anti-) populist challenge</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/paradoxes-of-polarization-democracys-inherent-division-and-the-anti-populist-challenge/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:09 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/paradoxes-of-polarization-democracys-inherent-division-and-the-anti-populist-challenge/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article carries out a theoretical analysis of the relationship between democracy and polarization. It utilizes examples from a variety of premodern and modern societies to argue that difference and division are inherent to a vibrant democratic life and to representation itself. At the same time, a stable and pluralist democratic culture presupposes the establishment &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/paradoxes-of-polarization-democracys-inherent-division-and-the-anti-populist-challenge/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article carries out a theoretical analysis of the relationship between democracy and polarization. It utilizes examples from a variety of premodern and modern societies to argue that difference and division are inherent to a vibrant democratic life and to representation itself. At the same time, a stable and pluralist democratic culture presupposes the establishment of a common ground required for reflexive democratic decision making. To take into account both requirements, this must be a special type of common ground: an agonistic common ground. Agonism, as opposed to both the politics of raw antagonism and the postpolitics of consensus, values the existence of real alternatives and even ideological distance but aims at sublimating their pernicious effects. However, an agonistic outcome is always the result of a delicate balancing act between oligarchic and populist tendencies. In modernity, it predominantly took the form of a paradoxical blend of the democratic and the liberal tradition. The current crisis of liberal democracy and its postdemocratic mutation obliges one to ask whether democratic crisis may cause polarization, rather than the other way around, and puts in doubt the ability of the “moderate center” to deal with it in ways consolidating democracy. The article illustrates its theoretical rationale with examples from populism/antipopulism polarization in contemporary Greece, where elite-driven antipopulist discourse has consistently employed dehumanizing repertoires enhancing pernicious polarization.</p>
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