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	<title>SYRIZA &#8211; To Archeio</title>
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		<title>The ‘Greferendum’ and the Eurozone crisis in the Danish daily press</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-greferendum-and-the-eurozone-crisis-in-the-danish-daily-press/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/the-greferendum-and-the-eurozone-crisis-in-the-danish-daily-press/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article presents a critical analysis of the Danish press coverage of the referendum called by the Left-led coalition government of Greece in July 2015, concerning the future of austerity policies. It focuses on the conservative daily press of Denmark, one of the ‘core’ EU countries, writing on developments in the periphery. Three main themes &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/the-greferendum-and-the-eurozone-crisis-in-the-danish-daily-press/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article presents a critical analysis of the Danish press coverage of the referendum called by the Left-led coalition government of Greece in July 2015, concerning the future of austerity policies. It focuses on the conservative daily press of Denmark, one of the ‘core’ EU countries, writing on developments in the periphery. Three main themes emerge in the study’s discourse analysis of Berlingske Tidende’s and Jyllands Posten’s coverage: ‘post-democratic realism’, ‘the upper-class gaze’, and ‘Orientalism and cultural racism’. The authors not only reveal the one-sided, elitist coverage by the rightwing papers at Europe’s centre but also point out how the principles of neoliberalism itself and the acceptance of austerity are being constantly reinforced by the media in a country like Denmark, which had previously been marked out for its more progressive welfare capitalism. Denmark’s turn to the Right (and to racism) alongside its biased coverage of the ‘Greferendum’ are examined here in the context of the way in which neoliberalism and its politico-social effects are now presented as both common sense and the only way forward.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>Populism, anti-populism, and crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article focuses on two issues involved in the formation and political trajectory of populist representations within political antagonism. First, it explores the role of crisis in the articulation of populist discourse. This problematic is far from new within theories of populism but has recently taken a new turn. We thus purport to reconsider the &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/populism-anti-populism-and-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article focuses on two issues involved in the formation and political trajectory of populist representations within political antagonism. First, it explores the role of crisis in the articulation of populist discourse. This problematic is far from new within theories of populism but has recently taken a new turn. We thus purport to reconsider the way populism and crisis are related, mapping the different modalities this relation can take and advancing further their theorization from the point of view of a discursive theory of the political, drawing primarily on the Essex School perspective initially developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Second, this will involve focusing on the antagonistic language games developed around populist representations, something that has not attracted equal attention. Highlighting the need to study anti-populism together with populism, focusing on their mutual constitution, we will test the ensuing theoretical framework in an analysis of SYRIZA, a recent and, as a result, under-researched example of egalitarian, inclusionary populism emerging within the European crisis landscape.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>The populism/anti-populism frontier and its mediation in crisis-ridden Greece: from discursive divide to emerging cleavage?</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-populism-anti-populism-frontier-and-its-mediation-in-crisis-ridden-greece-from-discursive-divide-to-emerging-cleavage/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:09 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/the-populism-anti-populism-frontier-and-its-mediation-in-crisis-ridden-greece-from-discursive-divide-to-emerging-cleavage/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Along with other South-European countries, since 2008, Greece has experienced deep economic and social dislocation, leading to a crisis of representation and triggering populist mobilisations and anti-populist reactions. This article focuses on the antagonistic language games developed around populist representations, something that has not attracted much attention in the relevant literature. Highlighting the need to &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/the-populism-anti-populism-frontier-and-its-mediation-in-crisis-ridden-greece-from-discursive-divide-to-emerging-cleavage/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Along with other South-European countries, since 2008, Greece has experienced deep economic and social dislocation, leading to a crisis of representation and triggering populist mobilisations and anti-populist reactions. This article focuses on the antagonistic language games developed around populist representations, something that has not attracted much attention in the relevant literature. Highlighting the need to study anti-populism together with populism, focusing on their mutual constitution from a discursive perspective, it articulates a brief yet comprehensive genealogy of populist and anti-populist actors (parties and media) in Greece, exploring their discursive strategies. Moving on, it identifies the main characteristics this antagonistic divide took on within the newly contested, crisis-ridden sociopolitical field, highlighting the implications for a contemporary understanding of cleavages, with potentially broader implications</p>
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		<title>The impact of the economic crisis on South European democracies</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-impact-of-the-economic-crisis-on-south-european-democracies/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:51 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/the-impact-of-the-economic-crisis-on-south-european-democracies/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This book questions whether and to what extent a conjunctural phenomenon such as an economic crisis can bring about lasting political consequences. It focuses on the parties and party systems of four South European countries (Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece) between 2008-15. The authors also consider how elections, protests, and interests are affected by the &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/the-impact-of-the-economic-crisis-on-south-european-democracies/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This book questions whether and to what extent a conjunctural phenomenon such as an economic crisis can bring about lasting political consequences. It focuses on the parties and party systems of four South European countries (Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece) between 2008-15. The authors also consider how elections, protests, and interests are affected by the crisis in these four democracies, before assessing how to define the impact of the economic crisis on political participation and competition. In this vein the book analyzes relevant aspects of party systems, the notion of neo-populism as a key to understanding new actors of South European policy, and interest intermediation as a factor of weakness in managing the crisis. Finally, the authors summarize the empirical results emerging from the research: the partial reshaping of cleavages as well as the relevance of the establishment vs. anti-establishment cleavage for the emergence and success of neo-populist parties. The book will be of use to students and scholars interested in South European politics, comparative politics, and democracies.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>Realignment under Stress: The July 2015 Referendum and the September Parliamentary Election in Greece</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/realignment-under-stress-the-july-2015-referendum-and-the-september-parliamentary-election-in-greece/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/realignment-under-stress-the-july-2015-referendum-and-the-september-parliamentary-election-in-greece/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to capitalise on its major victory in the July referendum. The article examines both the election and the referendum that &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/realignment-under-stress-the-july-2015-referendum-and-the-september-parliamentary-election-in-greece/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The victory of the radical-left SYRIZA in the September 2015 election confounded expectations given the failure of the SYRIZA–ANEL government formed in January either to deliver on its central promise of reversing austerity policies or to capitalise on its major victory in the July referendum. The article examines both the election and the referendum that preceded it, offering an explanation for SYRIZA’s victory. It also attempts to trace the trajectory of the current party system in Greece and its ongoing realignment process in light of the 2015 electoral contests and the busy political timeline since the formation of the first SYRIZA–ANEL government.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>The Impact of the Greek Indignados on Greek Politics</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/the-impact-of-the-greek-indignados-on-greek-politics/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/the-impact-of-the-greek-indignados-on-greek-politics/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The burden of this paper is to assert the significance of the 2011 movement of the Greek indignados for Greek politics during the Great Recession. Acknowledging the systematically feeble analysis of the nexus between non-institutional and electoral politics in social movement literature, the authors analyze the emergence, development, and heritage of the Greek indignados, focusing &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/the-impact-of-the-greek-indignados-on-greek-politics/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The burden of this paper is to assert the significance of the 2011 movement of the Greek indignados for Greek politics during the Great Recession. Acknowledging the systematically feeble analysis of the nexus between non-institutional and electoral politics in social movement literature, the authors analyze the emergence, development, and heritage of the Greek indignados, focusing squarely on their impact on public opinion and the domestic party system, both at the level of interparty, as well as intraparty dynamics. The authors’ conclusions are drawn mainly from an analysis of political party discourse, public opinion data, and interviews conducted on the field, catering equally for the supply and demand side of the novel political claims that surfaced during the first years of the Greek sovereign debt crisis. The authors point to the crucial contribution of the movement’s discourse in facilitating voter defection from the traditional two-party system that ruled Greece for more than thirty years, and argue that the indignados functioned as a beacon of populist discursive tropes, which cemented the emergence of a new divide in Greek society between pro- and anti-bailout citizens. Conclusively, the authors take the position that the imprint of the indignados on the Greek psyche has had tremendous repercussions in consolidating a new party system, by undermining traditional political forces and legitimizing new, anti-establishment contenders.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>Times of crisis: Success or decline of the left?</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/times-of-crisis-success-or-decline-of-the-left/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:37 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/times-of-crisis-success-or-decline-of-the-left/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The crisis that especially since the 2008 has shown the deep weakness of the capitalistic economic model induces to reflect on the role of the radical left parties and on their capacity to propose alternative policies, interpreting the citizens’ demands. Starting from these premises this article analyses three parties of the radical left party family- &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/times-of-crisis-success-or-decline-of-the-left/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The crisis that especially since the 2008 has shown the deep weakness of the capitalistic economic model induces to reflect on the role of the radical left parties and on their capacity to propose alternative policies, interpreting the citizens’ demands. Starting from these premises this article analyses three parties of the radical left party family- United Left, Left Freedom and Ecology and Syriza- that act respectively in Spain, Italy and Greece, three of the European democracies most affected by the social consequences of the crisis. The article proposes a diachronic comparison of the three parties’ policy pro-posals, organizational model and strategies in order to explain their greater or lesser ability to attract con-sensus in the last years.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>In the Shadow of Grexit: The Greek Election of 17 June 2012</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/in-the-shadow-of-grexit-the-greek-election-of-17-june-2012/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:22 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/in-the-shadow-of-grexit-the-greek-election-of-17-june-2012/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article provides an overview and analysis of the Greek elections of June 2012. Placing the elections within the broader framework of the Greek socio-political and economic context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/in-the-shadow-of-grexit-the-greek-election-of-17-june-2012/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article provides an overview and analysis of the Greek elections of June 2012. Placing the elections within the broader framework of the Greek socio-political and economic context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, including electoral volatility, the fragmentation of the party system and the rise of anti-establishment forces. The main difference was the entrenchment of the pro- versus anti- bailout division and the prominence of the question of Greece&#8217;s continued eurozone membership.</p>
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