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	<title>political parties &#8211; To Archeio</title>
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		<title>How party linkages shape austerity politics: clientelism and fiscal adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the eurozone crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.</p>
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		<title>Greek Migration Policy in the 2010s: Europeanization Tensions at a Time of Crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/greek-migration-policy-in-the-2010s-europeanization-tensions-at-a-time-of-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:30 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/greek-migration-policy-in-the-2010s-europeanization-tensions-at-a-time-of-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[During the past two years Greek migration policy has seen important developments concerning the legislative framework for irregular migration/asylum management and migrant integration. Given that several among these developments are related to the transposition of related EU directives, one obvious answer might be that of Europeanization: these developments had less to do with the Greek &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/greek-migration-policy-in-the-2010s-europeanization-tensions-at-a-time-of-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>During the past two years Greek migration policy has seen important developments concerning the legislative framework for irregular migration/asylum management and migrant integration. Given that several among these developments are related to the transposition of related EU directives, one obvious answer might be that of Europeanization: these developments had less to do with the Greek government’s plans about migration, rather they were the direct impact of Europeanization; Greece simply transposed relevant EU directives. I am arguing here for a more careful reading of the Europeanization effect which not only distinguishes the differential impact of Europeanization on policies and discourses, but also actually shows how Europeanization tendencies at different level can contrast one another. The findings of this paper contribute to a better understanding of Europeanization processes. They highlight that Europeanization involves also resistance to Europe especially at times of crisis.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>Political parties and immigration in Greece: Between consensus and competition</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/political-parties-and-immigration-in-greece-between-consensus-and-competition/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:26 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/political-parties-and-immigration-in-greece-between-consensus-and-competition/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The article examines the immigration policy agendas of two Greek mainstream parties, centre right New Democracy (ND) and centre left PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Party) since 2000. Drawing on the analysis of parliamentary proceedings and key political texts, it first analyses areas of consensus and disagreement on the mainstream parties’ positions in relation to immigration control &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/political-parties-and-immigration-in-greece-between-consensus-and-competition/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The article examines the immigration policy agendas of two Greek mainstream parties, centre right New Democracy (ND) and centre left PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Party) since 2000. Drawing on the analysis of parliamentary proceedings and key political texts, it first analyses areas of consensus and disagreement on the mainstream parties’ positions in relation to immigration control and citizenship. Second, it considers the impact of far right parties, namely, of the radical right Laikos Orthodoxos Synagermos and the extreme right Golden Dawn, on the immigration agendas and positions of the two mainstream parties in the context of the Greek austerity crisis. The article argues that despite a decline of trust, suggested by the recent electoral successes of the far right and other ‘fringe’ parties, and despite internal ideological strains, PASOK and ND did not ignore or divert attention away from the ‘immigration issue’. In contrast, they co-opted the far right agenda.</p>
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		<title>Why Greece failed</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/why-greece-failed/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:21 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/why-greece-failed/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Seeking to offer a unified theory about Greece’s current political and economic crisis, this article unravels the particular mechanisms through which this country developed as a populist democracy, that is, a pluralist system in which both the government and the opposition parties turn populist. It furthermore shows how this democracy facilitated the political class and &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/why-greece-failed/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Seeking to offer a unified theory about Greece’s current political and economic crisis, this article unravels the particular mechanisms through which this country developed as a populist democracy, that is, a pluralist system in which both the government and the opposition parties turn populist. It furthermore shows how this democracy facilitated the political class and the vast majority in Greek society to achieve and maintain for several decades an admirably high coordination of aims enabling them to exploit the state and its resources. Seen within the theoretical framework proposed, Greece offers policy-oriented scholars crucial insights into what may go badly wrong in developed Western democracies.</p>
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