<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss version="2.0"
	xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/"
	xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/"
	xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"
	xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"
	xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/"
	xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/"
	
	xmlns:georss="http://www.georss.org/georss"
	xmlns:geo="http://www.w3.org/2003/01/geo/wgs84_pos#"
	>

<channel>
	<title>European Union &#8211; To Archeio</title>
	<atom:link href="https://toarcheio.org/author_keywords/european-union/feed/" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml" />
	<link>https://toarcheio.org</link>
	<description>To Archeio project site</description>
	<lastBuildDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:39 +0000</lastBuildDate>
	<language>en-GB</language>
	<sy:updatePeriod>
	hourly	</sy:updatePeriod>
	<sy:updateFrequency>
	1	</sy:updateFrequency>
	<generator>https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.1</generator>
	<item>
		<title>A comparative analysis of migration control strategies along the Western and Eastern Mediterranean routes: Sovereign interventions through militarization and deportation</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparative-analysis-of-migration-control-strategies-along-the-western-and-eastern-mediterranean-routes-sovereign-interventions-through-militarization-and-deportation/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:39 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparative-analysis-of-migration-control-strategies-along-the-western-and-eastern-mediterranean-routes-sovereign-interventions-through-militarization-and-deportation/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This paper is a historically informed comparative study of militarization and deportation efforts along the Western (Spain–Morocco) and Eastern (Greece–Turkey) Mediterranean migratory routes from 2005 to 2017. Based on extensive fieldwork on both sites, we argue that these two policy instruments go hand-in-hand in the construction of the European Union&#8217;s anti-immigration border and examine the &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparative-analysis-of-migration-control-strategies-along-the-western-and-eastern-mediterranean-routes-sovereign-interventions-through-militarization-and-deportation/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This paper is a historically informed comparative study of militarization and deportation efforts along the Western (Spain–Morocco) and Eastern (Greece–Turkey) Mediterranean migratory routes from 2005 to 2017. Based on extensive fieldwork on both sites, we argue that these two policy instruments go hand-in-hand in the construction of the European Union&#8217;s anti-immigration border and examine the continuities in their implementation along the two extremes of the Mediterranean basin. Our findings indicate that the origins of current militarization and deportation efforts in the Eastern Mediterranean (such as the EUROSUR system and the &#8216;Hot Spots&#8217; approach) can be traced back to the Western Mediterranean and that they have been gradually expanded eastwards. Finally, the paper also demonstrates how militarization and deportation initiatives were implemented jointly by sovereign entities (the EU and member states), and by doing so it addresses the recent debates on the status of sovereignty. We provide evidence to support the argument that, rather than disappearing, sovereignty is re-articulated through cooperation among sovereign entities, despite occasional disagreements among them.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Who Loses and Who Wins in a Housing Crisis? Lessons From Spain and Greece for a Nuanced Understanding of Dispossession</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/who-loses-and-who-wins-in-a-housing-crisis-lessons-from-spain-and-greece-for-a-nuanced-understanding-of-dispossession/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:53 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/who-loses-and-who-wins-in-a-housing-crisis-lessons-from-spain-and-greece-for-a-nuanced-understanding-of-dispossession/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The emerging postcrisis geographies in Southern Europe are intrinsically related to debt and dispossession. In Spain, mortgage homeownership and indebtedness led to housing dispossessions, while in Greece, skyrocketing private indebtedness is eventually arranged through housing foreclosures. Building upon the notion of accumulation by dispossession, i.e., on the way capital accumulates wealth in the era of &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/who-loses-and-who-wins-in-a-housing-crisis-lessons-from-spain-and-greece-for-a-nuanced-understanding-of-dispossession/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The emerging postcrisis geographies in Southern Europe are intrinsically related to debt and dispossession. In Spain, mortgage homeownership and indebtedness led to housing dispossessions, while in Greece, skyrocketing private indebtedness is eventually arranged through housing foreclosures. Building upon the notion of accumulation by dispossession, i.e., on the way capital accumulates wealth in the era of neoliberal globalization, this article elaborates two novel concepts to understand the housing crises in both countries. The perception of dispossession by odious taxation describes the process of wealth extraction facilitated by financial mechanisms in Greece, and dispossession by political fraud is conceived as a characterization of fraudulent political arrangements and financial tools used for orchestrating housing stealth in Spain. This nurtures the perception that a comparative insight on the processes of dispossession in the Spanish and Greek housing markets may facilitate a nuanced understanding over the interrelated processes of contemporary housing restructuring.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Diagnosing Europe: Greece, Macedonia, and the meaning of crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/diagnosing-europe-greece-macedonia-and-the-meaning-of-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:52 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/diagnosing-europe-greece-macedonia-and-the-meaning-of-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the ‘Eu- ropean project’ in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adopts Michel Foucault’s understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/diagnosing-europe-greece-macedonia-and-the-meaning-of-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the ‘Eu- ropean project’ in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adopts Michel Foucault’s understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the diagnostic discourse in relation to ongoing events in Greece and the Republic of Mace- donia. Diagnostic practice produces accounts of crisis that are clinical, moralising, and pre- scriptive, affixing meanings to complex and overdetermined events in order that they can be acted upon. Diagnoses of the crises in Greece and Macedonia converge in their iden- tification of political and cultural features of the national political economy in need of ex- pert correction. The diagnosis of crisis emerges as an essential feature of European Union governmentality, which functions to delimit the bounds of political contestation in times of uncertainty and upheaval in favor of technocratic interventions.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Greece: Social unrest against neoliberalism and austerity</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/greece-social-unrest-against-neoliberalism-and-austerity/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/greece-social-unrest-against-neoliberalism-and-austerity/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Since 2008, Greece has been associated with mass protest, rioting and political crisis, as the result of the combination of economic crisis and an aggressive experiment in neoliberal social engineering. This chapter will attempt to analyse the dynamics of social and political conflict, and the emerging new configuration of mass political practices and social alliances &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/greece-social-unrest-against-neoliberalism-and-austerity/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Since 2008, Greece has been associated with mass protest, rioting and political crisis, as the result of the combination of economic crisis and an aggressive experiment in neoliberal social engineering. This chapter will attempt to analyse the dynamics of social and political conflict, and the emerging new configuration of mass political practices and social alliances in Greece.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>European integration as a moral economy: Greek technocrats amidst capitalism-in-crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/european-integration-as-a-moral-economy-greek-technocrats-amidst-capitalism-in-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:41 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/european-integration-as-a-moral-economy-greek-technocrats-amidst-capitalism-in-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article engages in the ongoing anthropological discussion on the concept of ‘moral economy’ and opts for its multileveled use. It affirms the concept’s suitability for grasping class-specific sets of moral values and considerations on the economy, as well as universalized moral frameworks through which the economy is commonly addressed by both dominated and dominant &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/european-integration-as-a-moral-economy-greek-technocrats-amidst-capitalism-in-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article engages in the ongoing anthropological discussion on the concept of ‘moral economy’ and opts for its multileveled use. It affirms the concept’s suitability for grasping class-specific sets of moral values and considerations on the economy, as well as universalized moral frameworks through which the economy is commonly addressed by both dominated and dominant classes. In dealing with such universalized moral economies, it is suggested that our analysis should critically address the symbolic construction of the economy as an essentially moral process. The value of such a focus lies in analyzing and historicizing the recurrence of epistemologies that deny the centrality of structural oppositions in capitalism and, rather, place emphasis on moral categories, such as fairness, intentionality, and obligation. This multileveled understanding and use of the concept of moral economy can help us to further comprehend the delineation of neoliberalism in European space and the moral reformulation of the political economy of capitalism-in-crisis. The article is based on ethnographic material addressing the course of action taken by Greek technocrats specialized in the policies and cohesion funds of the European Union.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>We no longer love you, but we don&#8217;t want to leave you&#8217;: The Eurozone crisis and popular Euroscepticism in Greece</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece-2/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece-2/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article analyses whether and how public opinion towards the European Union (EU) in Greece has changed in the context of the current Eurozone crisis. It provides the first detailed treatment of how the crisis has affected citizens’ views in a traditionally pro-European member state. It examines whether public opinion has become more Eurosceptic and &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece-2/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article analyses whether and how public opinion towards the European Union (EU) in Greece has changed in the context of the current Eurozone crisis. It provides the first detailed treatment of how the crisis has affected citizens’ views in a traditionally pro-European member state. It examines whether public opinion has become more Eurosceptic and which societal groups have changed their views and in what direction. It uses data from Eurobarometer surveys conducted before and during the current crisis. Unsurprisingly, the findings show that negative sentiment towards the EU has increased across all social groups in recent years. However, we find a paradox of a decline in general support for the EU and an increase in support for the Euro. In a country seen as traditionally pro-European, Greek public opinion has fallen out of love with the EU, but it clearly does not want to leave the Eurozone or renounce membership altogether.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Has Germany &#8220;fallen out of love&#8221; with Europe?: The Eurozone crisis and the &#8220;normalization&#8221; of Germany&#8217;s European identity</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/has-germany-fallen-out-of-love-with-europe-the-eurozone-crisis-and-the-normalization-of-germanys-european-identity/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:33 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/has-germany-fallen-out-of-love-with-europe-the-eurozone-crisis-and-the-normalization-of-germanys-european-identity/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The European Union has been in its biggest ever crisis since the onset of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in 2010. Beyond the political and economic dimensions, the crisis has also sparked discussions about Germany’s European identity. Some scholars have argued that Germany’s behavior in the crisis signals a continuation of the process of “normalization” &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/has-germany-fallen-out-of-love-with-europe-the-eurozone-crisis-and-the-normalization-of-germanys-european-identity/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The European Union has been in its biggest ever crisis since the onset of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in 2010. Beyond the political and economic dimensions, the crisis has also sparked discussions about Germany’s European identity. Some scholars have argued that Germany’s behavior in the crisis signals a continuation of the process of “normalization” of its European identity towards a stronger articulation of national identity and interests, that it has “fallen out of love” with Europe. This article will seek to reassess these claims, drawing on detailed analysis of political and media discourse in Germany—from political speeches through to both broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. It will argue that the crisis is understood broadly as a European crisis in Germany, where the original values of European integration are at stake. Furthermore, the crisis is debated through the lens of European solidarity, albeit with a particular German flavor of solidarity that draws on the economic tradition of ordoliberalism. Rather than strengthening expressions of national identity, this has resulted in the emergence of a new northern European identity in contrast to Greece or “southern Europe.”</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>A catalytic moment: The Greek crisis in the German financial press</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/a-catalytic-moment-the-greek-crisis-in-the-german-financial-press/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:27 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/a-catalytic-moment-the-greek-crisis-in-the-german-financial-press/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The Greek crisis has attracted more public-political attention than any other sovereign debt crisis within the European Union. This article investigates the argument that this is due to the symbolic-catalytic role that the Greek crisis played in forging a specific approach to state rescue and the reform of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/a-catalytic-moment-the-greek-crisis-in-the-german-financial-press/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Greek crisis has attracted more public-political attention than any other sovereign debt crisis within the European Union. This article investigates the argument that this is due to the symbolic-catalytic role that the Greek crisis played in forging a specific approach to state rescue and the reform of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Drawing on assumptions of interpretive-narrative political studies about the discursive construction of crisis and a Critical Discourse Analysis of editorials from the financial press, the study shows how this approach was ‘catalyzed’ by a specific construction of the ‘Greek case’. Reference to the ‘Greek case’, in particular the high level of government debt, rendered austerity a plausible option of crisis management. Reference to the contagion potential of the Greek crisis justified the application of austerity across the Eurozone. The Greek crisis was also seen to reveal the systemic flaws of the EMU and suggest deepened economic integration.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
		<item>
		<title>We No Longer Love You, But We Don&#8217;t Want To Leave You&#8217;: The Eurozone Crisis and Popular Euroscepticism in Greece</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:24 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This article analyses whether and how public opinion towards the European Union (EU) in Greece has changed in the context of the current Eurozone crisis. It provides the first detailed treatment of how the crisis has affected citizens’ views in a traditionally pro-European member state. It examines whether public opinion has become more Eurosceptic and &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/we-no-longer-love-you-but-we-dont-want-to-leave-you-the-eurozone-crisis-and-popular-euroscepticism-in-greece/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This article analyses whether and how public opinion towards the European Union (EU) in Greece has changed in the context of the current Eurozone crisis. It provides the first detailed treatment of how the crisis has affected citizens’ views in a traditionally pro-European member state. It examines whether public opinion has become more Eurosceptic and which societal groups have changed their views and in what direction. It uses data from Eurobarometer surveys conducted before and during the current crisis. Unsurprisingly, the findings show that negative sentiment towards the EU has increased across all social groups in recent years. However, we find a paradox of a decline in general support for the EU and an increase in support for the Euro. In a country seen as traditionally pro-European, Greek public opinion has fallen out of love with the EU, but it clearly does not want to leave the Eurozone or renounce membership altogether.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
			</item>
	</channel>
</rss>
