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	<title>clientelism &#8211; To Archeio</title>
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		<title>Clientelism and economic policy: hybrid characteristics of collective action in Greece</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/clientelism-and-economic-policy-hybrid-characteristics-of-collective-action-in-greece/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:44 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/clientelism-and-economic-policy-hybrid-characteristics-of-collective-action-in-greece/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[How does clientelism affect policy-making? Can patrons in government discard groups of clients in order to pursue reforms in conditions of crisis? The article argues that clientelism goes beyond the exchange of votes and may permeate organizations with the capacity for collective action such as labour unions. This merger gives rise to a clientelist-collective system &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/clientelism-and-economic-policy-hybrid-characteristics-of-collective-action-in-greece/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>How does clientelism affect policy-making? Can patrons in government discard groups of clients in order to pursue reforms in conditions of crisis? The article argues that clientelism goes beyond the exchange of votes and may permeate organizations with the capacity for collective action such as labour unions. This merger gives rise to a clientelist-collective system that changes both patron–client relations and the context of collective action with important implications for the design of economic policy. As evidence from Greece shows, patrons in government are better off avoiding reforms that deprive their client groups of collective and personal benefits (clientelist bias in policy-making). Labour unions infiltrated by party clients have weak autonomy from the patron party but, operating inside the party network, they can effectively safeguard their access to club goods. Interdependent preferences and organizational linkages between the patron party and its client organizations favour collaboration and co-optation over open confrontation in policy-making processes.</p>
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		<title>How party linkages shape austerity politics: clientelism and fiscal adjustment in Greece and Portugal during the eurozone crisis</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">http://arc.local/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/how-party-linkages-shape-austerity-politics-clientelism-and-fiscal-adjustment-in-greece-and-portugal-during-the-eurozone-crisis/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.</p>
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		<title>Making Sense of Greek Austerity</title>
		<link>https://toarcheio.org/items/making-sense-of-greek-austerity/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[apostolos]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:15 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[The process of approving a Greek drawing on funds provided by the international community is now familiar. There is concern about the prospect of securing an agreement between the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Union (EU), the European Central Bank (ECB), and Greece, which satisfies all parties. This paper suggests that all parties to &#8230; <a href="https://toarcheio.org/items/making-sense-of-greek-austerity/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The process of approving a Greek drawing on funds provided by the international community is now familiar. There is concern about the prospect of securing an agreement between the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Union (EU), the European Central Bank (ECB), and Greece, which satisfies all parties. This paper suggests that all parties to the agreement have interests in an orderly resolution of the Greek crisis that keeps Greece in the Eurozone. Furthermore, it argues that disagreements and delay before eleventh‐hour agreements can best be explained politically. The paper first demonstrates how Greece, the IMF, and the EU each have a clear interest in finding an orderly solution to the Greek crisis that allows it to remain in the Eurozone. It then outlines the incremental nature of the package and its strategic benefit both for the European banking sector, and governments in Greece and the Eurozone more broadly.</p>
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