https://toarcheio.org To Archeio project site Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:48 +0000 en-GB hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.1 https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparison-of-subjective-experiences-and-responses-to-austerity-of-uk-and-greek-youth/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:48 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparison-of-subjective-experiences-and-responses-to-austerity-of-uk-and-greek-youth/ Continued]]> Following previous research carried out by Chalari (2014; 2015), this qualitative study explores the ways in which the younger generation in Greece and UK has been affected by austerity policy measures. These two countries have been at the forefront of intense social, political and economic transformations that have impacted particularly on young people’s current and future lives. This study aims to explore similarities and differences in young people’s subjective experiences and responses, as from this it may be possible to discern whether there is a general, long-term negative effect on austerity across Europe. The data show that there are some similarities in the two cohorts’ subjective experiences and responses, but perhaps more interestingly some significant differences. The study discusses what the implications of these differences might be for young people and society in these countries, in terms of their impact on the abilities of the younger generation, in a way that has potential to destabilize their personal and professional lives now and in the future.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/the-greferendum-and-the-eurozone-crisis-in-the-danish-daily-press/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:44 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/the-greferendum-and-the-eurozone-crisis-in-the-danish-daily-press/ Continued]]> This article presents a critical analysis of the Danish press coverage of the referendum called by the Left-led coalition government of Greece in July 2015, concerning the future of austerity policies. It focuses on the conservative daily press of Denmark, one of the ‘core’ EU countries, writing on developments in the periphery. Three main themes emerge in the study’s discourse analysis of Berlingske Tidende’s and Jyllands Posten’s coverage: ‘post-democratic realism’, ‘the upper-class gaze’, and ‘Orientalism and cultural racism’. The authors not only reveal the one-sided, elitist coverage by the rightwing papers at Europe’s centre but also point out how the principles of neoliberalism itself and the acceptance of austerity are being constantly reinforced by the media in a country like Denmark, which had previously been marked out for its more progressive welfare capitalism. Denmark’s turn to the Right (and to racism) alongside its biased coverage of the ‘Greferendum’ are examined here in the context of the way in which neoliberalism and its politico-social effects are now presented as both common sense and the only way forward.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/%cf%80%ce%bf%ce%bb%ce%b9%cf%84%ce%b9%cf%83%ce%bc%ce%b9%ce%ba%ce%ad%cf%82-%ce%b5%cf%81%ce%bc%ce%b7%ce%bd%ce%b5%ce%af%ce%b5%cf%82-%cf%84%ce%b7%cf%82-%ce%b5%ce%bb%ce%bb%ce%b7%ce%bd/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:43 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/%cf%80%ce%bf%ce%bb%ce%b9%cf%84%ce%b9%cf%83%ce%bc%ce%b9%ce%ba%ce%ad%cf%82-%ce%b5%cf%81%ce%bc%ce%b7%ce%bd%ce%b5%ce%af%ce%b5%cf%82-%cf%84%ce%b7%cf%82-%ce%b5%ce%bb%ce%bb%ce%b7%ce%bd/ https://toarcheio.org/items/race-and-class-in-german-media-representations-of-the-greek-crisis/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:42 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/race-and-class-in-german-media-representations-of-the-greek-crisis/ Continued]]> Research has shown that the mainstream media coverage of the EU’s economic crisis has been not only offensive and prejudiced for the people of the countries most affected by it, but most crucially, utterly relying on elite understandings of the crisis, as articulated by the political and economic establishment of the EU. Indeed, the hegemonic public framing of the Eurozone crisis followed an ‘Orientalist’ approach, through spectacular narratives stressing cultural and moral failures of ‘national characters’ and exceptional national institutions that are (supposedly) fundamentally different from the ‘European’ cannon. This way, regimes of exception were able to be publicly constructed as plausible explanations for the crisis (as a ‘self-inflicted’ problem by those not following the European norm), and equivalent exceptional policies (such as austerity regimes) to be implemented in the supposedly problematic countries. Drawing on the findings of previous research, this contribution presents the class and racist dimensions of the German mainstream media’s ‘Greek-crisis’ representations, by focusing on the ‘crisis epicenter’, Greece, a country relentlessly targeted and, slandered and shamed by the German media and the German elites in particular. The chapter concludes that both in their light and in their serious versions, the German media publicly construct the so-called Greek crisis in line with the bourgeois and post-democratic principles directing the EU.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparative-analysis-of-migration-control-strategies-along-the-western-and-eastern-mediterranean-routes-sovereign-interventions-through-militarization-and-deportation/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:39 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/a-comparative-analysis-of-migration-control-strategies-along-the-western-and-eastern-mediterranean-routes-sovereign-interventions-through-militarization-and-deportation/ Continued]]> This paper is a historically informed comparative study of militarization and deportation efforts along the Western (Spain–Morocco) and Eastern (Greece–Turkey) Mediterranean migratory routes from 2005 to 2017. Based on extensive fieldwork on both sites, we argue that these two policy instruments go hand-in-hand in the construction of the European Union’s anti-immigration border and examine the continuities in their implementation along the two extremes of the Mediterranean basin. Our findings indicate that the origins of current militarization and deportation efforts in the Eastern Mediterranean (such as the EUROSUR system and the ‘Hot Spots’ approach) can be traced back to the Western Mediterranean and that they have been gradually expanded eastwards. Finally, the paper also demonstrates how militarization and deportation initiatives were implemented jointly by sovereign entities (the EU and member states), and by doing so it addresses the recent debates on the status of sovereignty. We provide evidence to support the argument that, rather than disappearing, sovereignty is re-articulated through cooperation among sovereign entities, despite occasional disagreements among them.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/the-ecumenical-right-to-the-city-urban-commons-and-intersectional-enclosures-in-athens-and-istanbul/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:29 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/the-ecumenical-right-to-the-city-urban-commons-and-intersectional-enclosures-in-athens-and-istanbul/ The collective volume is an outcome of the international conference ‘Contested Borderscapes. Transnational Geographies vis-à-vis Fortress Europe’ that took place in Mytilene (Lesvos), September 28 – October 1, 2017.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/a-new-populism-index-at-work-identifying-populist-candidates-and-parties-in-the-contemporary-greek-context/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:12 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/a-new-populism-index-at-work-identifying-populist-candidates-and-parties-in-the-contemporary-greek-context/ Continued]]> Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/european-populist-parties-in-government-how-well-are-voters-represented-evidence-from-greece/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:11 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/european-populist-parties-in-government-how-well-are-voters-represented-evidence-from-greece/ Continued]]> In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non‐populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ‘many to many’ approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti‐populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/dynamics-of-polarization-in-the-greek-case/ Mon, 04 May 2020 23:24:07 +0000 https://toarcheio.org/items/dynamics-of-polarization-in-the-greek-case/ Continued]]> This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.

]]> https://toarcheio.org/items/diagnosing-europe-greece-macedonia-and-the-meaning-of-crisis/ Tue, 16 Apr 2019 22:25:52 +0000 http://arc.local/items/diagnosing-europe-greece-macedonia-and-the-meaning-of-crisis/ Continued]]> Accounts of crisis in Europe have proliferated since late 2009. This article investigates the relationship between the diagnosis of crisis and the cohesion and enlargement of the ‘Eu- ropean project’ in the context of Southeastern Europe. The article adopts Michel Foucault’s understanding of diagnosis as a strategic activity of language in order to re-construct the diagnostic discourse in relation to ongoing events in Greece and the Republic of Mace- donia. Diagnostic practice produces accounts of crisis that are clinical, moralising, and pre- scriptive, affixing meanings to complex and overdetermined events in order that they can be acted upon. Diagnoses of the crises in Greece and Macedonia converge in their iden- tification of political and cultural features of the national political economy in need of ex- pert correction. The diagnosis of crisis emerges as an essential feature of European Union governmentality, which functions to delimit the bounds of political contestation in times of uncertainty and upheaval in favor of technocratic interventions.

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